If Sydney Anglicans identify somewhat with the Puritans, especially of the Elizabethan era, it is also the case that they identify very strongly with the ‘Evangelical’ movement of the eighteenth century. The first chaplains of the colony were evangelicals and sponsored by the circle of Charles Simeon, one of the leading evangelicals of the Church of England. Like the Puritan movement, this was a movement that began within but subsequently exceeded the bounds of the Church of England. The established church proved too limiting for many and also sought to persecute and expel the proponents of evangelicalism. And yet, there is no doubt that evangelicalism has played and continues to play a major part in the history and ethos of Anglicanism. As Turnbull says, ‘…Anglican Evangelicalism is a manifestation of the Christian faith which gives fullness of expression to the core foundational beliefs of both Anglican and Evangelical Christian traditions’.
Most commonly, the Evangelical movement is thought to have begun in the eighteenth century with the conversion of John Wesley (1703-1791) in 1738. Labelled ‘enthusiasts’ by their opponents in the Church of England, the evangelicals were treated with a great deal of hostility and found difficulty in obtaining livings. This ‘enthusiasm’, though it seemed crass to some of their co-religionists, was representative of an extraordinary reawakening of ardent faith. It was also a judgement that the assumption that mere membership in the Church of England was sufficient for Christian identity was deeply flawed. It was after all a direct reaction against the dryness, formalism and rationalism that characterised much of early eighteenth century established Christianity. A Christianity without a heart for God was clearly deficient. The evangelical movement lead to missionary zeal and social reform on a grand scale; evangelicals formed societies and co-operated trans-denominationally. They wrote hymns that are still sung today. John Wesley and George Whitfield (1714-1770) become famous as open-air preachers. Like the Puritans, it is has to be said that the evangelicals oftentimes inhabited the fringes of the institutional church. They seemed less interested in ecclesiastical preferment and more concerned with missionary work. They were often directly persecuted by the authorities.
The term ‘evangelical’ itself is contested territory, both as a historical description and as a identifier for contemporary Christians. My purpose here is not to become entangled in this debate, but simply to show with broad brush strokes that evangelicalism and Anglicanism overlap considerably. Anglicanism is a great denominational home for evangelicalism, but it is not the only one. Likewise, evangelicalism has made and continues to make a considerable contribution to Anglicanism. The British historian David Bebbington’s description of evangelicalism is the best known and most widely used and will be sufficient to frame our discussion here. Bebbington speaks of ‘a quadrilateral of priorities’ – namely, conversionism, activism, Biblicism and crucicentricism.
Evangelicals are conversionist in that they proclaim the necessity of personal transformation in response to the gospel of grace. They preach to the heart, appealing for repentance of sin and turning to God in dependence. Their gospel is highly individualist in this sense – it is not sufficient for true Christian faith merely to be in possession of membership in a church grouping. Evangelicals are also, as Bebbington speaks of them, activist. They expected the evangelical conversion to result in a transformation of life. This meant that the believer was expected to be busy in the process of moral renewal and in seeking the conversion and moral renewal of others. The activism characteristic of evangelicals resulted in evangelistic mission but also in programmes for social welfare on a large scale. Evangelicals such as William Wilberforce and the Earl of Shaftesbury become bywords for the activist streak within evangelicalism.
Evangelicals have always been people of the Bible. Like their Reformation forebears, they have taken Scripture as the supreme authority for Christian life and for doctrine. The centrality of preaching for evangelicals is evidence of what this means in practice. As well as being Biblicist, the evangelical is also crucicentric – which means that central place is given to the atoning work of Christ on the cross. Christ is an exemplary figure and a moral teacher, but he is first and foremost the saviour who died for sin.
In bringing Anglicanism and evangelicalism together, Anglican Evangelicals have mostly but not exclusively subscribed to a form of moderate Calvinism. This description would apply to the faith of two of the greatest of evangelical Anglicans, Charles Simeon (1759-1836) and Bishop J.C. Ryle (1816-1900). They appealed for their identity within Anglicanism to the Protestant and Reformed nature of the Anglican settlements of the sixteenth and seventeenth century. However, they did not insist on the rigorous application of Reformed doctrine, especially over the extent of the atonement. Just as Article 17 is quite a restrained account of predestination, so Anglican Evangelicals have certainly asserted but not overemphasised this teaching. Most often co-operation in evangelism and fellowship with non-Calvinist evangelicals overrode concerns about absolute purity of doctrine. Even if the effects of the atonement were to be applied only to the elect, the preaching of the gospel was to be to all.
This ethos is perhaps where tension with the institutional framework of Anglicanism most often surfaces. More often than not, evangelicals have felt themselves excluded from the positions of power within the Anglican churches of the West. Their priority has always been the preaching of the gospel and not the maintenance of the institutional church. Their ecclesiology – and they most certainly do have an ecclesiology – does not tend to recognise the bureaucratic side of the denomination as ‘church’. If the institution inhibits the preaching of the gospel, then there is no question where compromise has to be made. For other Anglicans with a more hierarchical view this seems like schismatic behaviour.
As the Oxford movement grew in influence in the middle part of the nineteenth century, the evangelicals insisted on the Protestantism of the Church of England, often to the point of legal controversy. The most celebrated – or notorious, depending on your point of view - of these incidents was the ‘Gorham case’ of 1846-7. Evangelical clergyman Charles Gorham clashed with his Tractarian bishop Henry Phillpotts over the critical issue of infant baptism. Gorham, taking the evangelical position, asserted that baptism did not necessarily effect regeneration. After all, evangelicals believed in repentance and conversion. Phillpotts pointed to the wording of the Book of Common Prayer which seems to refer to the child as regenerate; and wanted to refuse him a post in his diocese as a man of unsound doctrine. The precedent set by the case could have made the position of every evangelical clergyman in England uncertain to say the least. The case made its way as far as the non-ecclesiastical Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, which finally found for Gorham. What this meant was that the place of evangelicals within the Church of England was secured. Their interpretation of the formularies was certainly permitted, if not entirely endorsed.
In Sydney there is an entire diocese in a major city which is run by evangelicals. This breaks with the usual experience of evangelicals as having almost no institutional leverage and in having to live within diocesan structures which are liberal-Catholic in flavour. The evangelical behaviours which have irritated non-evangelical Anglicans historically are magnified in the case of Sydney. The unusual dominance of evangelicals in the diocesan structure of Sydney diocese means that Sydney does look strange to Anglicans who are accustomed to liberal-Catholic hegemony – and ecclesiology - elsewhere. Liberal-Catholics expect to be in charge of things. But they would be mistaken in calling evangelicalism ‘unAnglican’, for the moderate Calvinist evangelical outlook of Sydney with its missionary activism and its Biblicism and with its emphasis on the atoning blood of Jesus Christ as a sacrifice for sins is utterly consistent with the evangelical Anglican tradition that has had an unbroken presence in the Church of England for nearly three centuries. The English evangelical Anglican Alister McGrath has written:
My concern is simply to insist that evangelicalism is, historically and theologically, a legitimate and respectable option within Anglicanism. At no point is evangelicalism inconsistent with any of the Thirty-Nine Articles, the only document apart from Scripture, the creeds and the Prayer Book, regarded as authoritative for Anglicans.
It has not only been my intention to show here that Sydney’s evangelical Anglicans have a legitimate place within Anglicanism. History shows that the evangelicalism held so dear by Sydney’s Anglicans arose from and was to a great extent nurtured by Anglicanism. The Anglican operating system was not always strictly compatible with the evangelical software, but at many points it actually helped -and helps - it to run better.
16 comments:
Bebbington says, "The evangelical version of Protestantism was created by the Enlightenment." Bebbington, Evangelicalism in Modern Britain: A history from the 1730s to the 1980s (London, 1989), p. 74
If he's is right to what extent did "evangelicalism ... arise from ... Anglicanism."?
I mean only that many of the first evangelicals were Anglican.
Henry: Bebbington's assumption rests on his observation that Wesley and Edwards had imbibed Englightenment epistemology. That can be verified, but most historians view Evangelicalism and continental Pietism as reactions against the arid intellectualism and rationalism of the long 18th century. Mark Noll and others recognize that 18th century Evangelicalism was the product of Puritanism, High Church Anglican spirituality and practices, and continental Pietism. The most signficant British Evangelicals were C of E while those in the colonies were of Puritan congregationalist or of Presbyterian stock.
Michael, could you do a post on priesthood next!
Quentin. I would have thought Samuel Marsden was pretty significant as were both the William Cowpers and the layman Thomas Moore. The only non-Anglican evangelical I can think of of any significance is Lang.
The first chaplains of the colony were evangelicals and sponsored by the circle of Charles Simeon, one of the leading evangelicals of the Church of England.
The first chaplains were more directly sponsored by a little group of London evangelicals known as the "Eclectic Society". This group by was led by John Newton, and included John Venn, Thomas Scott, Richard Cecil and Henry Foster. It was the political influence of Newton's friend William Wilberforce that gave them the power to make these nominations.
I can't find any real evidence of Simeon's involvement in these early colonial appointments. The Eclectic Society helped establish the CMS at the tail of the century, and Simeon was a major player in this organisation.
Craig: Simeon recommended both Johnson and Marsden to Wilberforce. He also recommended Marsden to Charles Grant (of the East India Company) but the Archbishop said he had been at Cambridge too short a time and that he was too young to go to either "Botany Bay or Bengal". This is in a letter from Grant to Simeon dated 17 March 1791. Two years later Marsden was on his way to NSW.
Hi David,
I am currently writing a biography on Richard Johnson, and I am very, very, VERY interested in seeing a source for the idea that Simeon recommended Johnson to Wilberforce.
Johnson was originally approach by John Newton regarding the Botany Bay appointment (this is in Johnson's unpublished memoirs, of which I have a copy of the MS). Johnson was working as Henry Foster's assistant at the time, and so he was moving the circle of London evangelical Anglicans. Newton, of course, was good friends with Wilberforce.
I haven't been able to find any direct evidence that Johnson and Simeon knew much of each other when Johnson was at Cambridge, and I did spend some time looking. If you've got such info (eg. in a letter etc), I definitely want to see it.
Can you please contact me on craig.schwarze@gmail.com? Many thanks.
Regarding Marsden, I know much less, and I see you are doing your PhD on his sermons! Still, I have seen a letter from Wilberforce to Samuel Hey (of Magdalene Cambridge), written in 1790, and discussing Marsden's suitability. My assumption was that Hey originally put him forward.
Also regarding Marsden, he was an Elland Society pensioner and hence (presumably!) known by Henry Venn, whose son, John, was part of the Eclectic Society and one of Newton's associates.
Likely there were multiple links in operation here.
Craig: It certainly sounds like multiple links. Can you give me the reference to Hey recommending Marsden? Marsden started at Magdalene in 1781 so it's interesting that Wilberforce was discussing him with Hey the year before. Have you got the reference?
91, I think you meant...
The comment is recorded in Bonwick's bio of Johnson (I have a copy of this 110 year old book).
Page 111 records the following letter from Wilberforce to Hey (he says W. Hey, but I think he must mean S. Hey) -
"I do not well know what reply to make respecting Mr. Marsden. Your account is not very favourable; but, as I now you are no flatterer, I take it for granted things are not worse than you represent them."
Not a terribly encouraging start!
Apologies to MJ for hijacking his thread, but I'm sure he is interested in this stuff too...
Absolutely! This is great.
Michael, I'm a Scot (from a brethren background) with little to no knowledge of Anglicanism. I was wondering if you would be so kind as to answer a couple of questions for me?
The first is regarding the place of covenant theology amongst Reformed Anglicans. From a historic perspective, have many of the notable Reformed Anglicans been covenant theologians?
I say this because I know Broughton Knox wasn't a great fan of the system. I also heard Phillip Jensen defend paedobaptism and he didn't seem to appeal to any of the usual categories from covenant theology (i.e. unity of the covenant of grace, baptism replacing circumcision, etc).
Indeed it seems from my cursory readings that some of the Sydney Anglicans hold to a kind of New Covenant Theology (with a paedobaptist slant of course!) Am I correct in this? (I'm thinking here of Goldsworthy, Williamson, etc)
Furthermore, do you think that the 39 articles have provided greater freedom for Reformed Anglicans to reform their systems in the light of Scripture? For example, one wouldn't normally come across a rejection of limited atonement in other Reformed circles, whereas I remember hearing Phillip Jensen and reading Broughton Knox disputing the doctrine.
Finally, has the revivalism of much British and American puritanism passed by Australia? I think the Sydney Anglicans have been pretty strong in opposing various kinds of pietism (again I'm thinking particularly of big Phil!) They seem to be more in step with Calvin, et al in this regard.
BTW, I love the Sydney Anglicans and thank God for you guys. Kudos.
Thanks!
Nick Mackison
Hi Nick - and welcome. Sorry these answers will be brief - it's a busy time of year.
1 - Anglican covenant theologians? Not since the 17th century. The Reformed evangelicals of the 18th century were 'moderate Calvinists'. This is the tradition in which Sydney stands (Simeon, JC Ryle etc).
2- New Covenant theology? I don't know what that is.
3 - the articles give lots of freedom for a less system driven form of Reformed theology.
4 - the Lloyd-Jones style revivalism has pretty much passed us by.
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